Tuesday, March 26, 2013

FUTA Media Release on the ban imposed on the Student Unions at the Sabaragamuwa University

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22-03-2013, FUTA

The Federation of University Teachers’ Associations (FUTA) is deeply concerned about the situation that has been created by the ban
imposed on student unions at the Sabaragamuwa University of Sri Lanka by its higher authorities. FUTA considers this move as a grave violation of the democratic rights of students and a provocative action that could produce extremely dangerous consequences. FUTA notes with concern similar efforts to suppress lawful student union activities in other universities as well as attacks on student union leaders that have been reported recently.

The right to form student unions is a democratic right recognized by the Universities Act of 1978 and they have a significant role to play in ensuring the normal and healthy functioning of the student community. On one hand they function as a coordinating bridge
between the university administration and the student community and, on the other hand, they provide practical understanding and training to the student community on their social responsibilities. There is no doubt that there are instances where certain behaviors of these student bodies appear to be problematic and unacceptable. However, the university administration and the academic community must have an intelligent and mature approach to deal with such situations. Unfortunately, the politicization of the university administration has meant that they have lost any moral authority to take a principled, responsible stand with students.

One of the fundamental problems faced by the current university system is that senior university administrators view their primary task as pleasing the higher echelon of the state political authority. This is because they have acquired these positions not because they are qualified for these positions but because they have the backing of these politicians and the latter is convinced that they can manipulate the former. Under these circumstances university administrators do not have the integrity or character to directly confront the student community with any degree of moral authority. Therefore, the only alternative available when the students behave in a manner that displeases them is to unleash repressive measures on student activities. Students are viewed as enemies to be brought under control even by unlawful means.

The situation in the Sabaragamuwa University which has culminated in the ban imposed on Student Unions is an ideal example of this situation. FUTA does not consider such attitudes and measures as challenges faced only by the student community. FUTA is of the view that such measures are logical outcomes of the appointments of political loyalists to the University Grants Commission, Vice Chancellor positions of universities and other high posts in the university administration affecting the entire university
system including the academic and non academic community. The heart of the problem lies in the issue of university autonomy that the FUTA has been consistently highlighting recently. This is also why FUTA recently raised concerns with regard to the appointment of the Vice- Chancellor of the University of Colombo. Therefore, the FUTA reiterates the need to intervene actively and effectively to defend university autonomy and resist political interference in order to rectify this situation as an issue not merely relevant to the student community but to the entire university system. At the same time FUTA urges the administration of the Sabaragamuwa University to lift the ban on Student Unions and to initiate a fruitful dialogue with the student community.


Nirmal Ranjith Dewasiri
President/FUTA

Sunday, March 24, 2013

The State of the Free Education System in Sri Lanka: Confessions of a Disgruntled Student

by Elijah Hoole, 27/03/2013

(A slightly modified version of this article also appeared in Ground views and the Colombo Telegraph)

I am one of the 243,876 lucky students who sat for the Advanced Level Examinations in 2011. It has been almost one-and-a-half-years since then, and I received my university registration form only yesterday (6 – 4 – 2012). I was privileged enough to receive A/L results four times in the space of ten months. For this, I am eternally indebted to the Examinations Department. The possibilities for further delay, once I start university are endless: the FUTA might decide to call for another trade union action; minor-staff may decide their wages are insufficient; fellow students may decide to oppose private universities by boycotting classes; and so on. The thought of how old I will be when I graduate is not entertaining.

Grand Promises and Disconcerting Realities

All state school textbooks carry an excerpt from a speech made by President Rajapaksa in 2010:

“Beloved Sons and Daughters, Many countries that lagged behind us at the time we gained independence have now passed us and gone far ahead. But, we must not be prepared to copy those countries or work according to the development models of those nations. Similarly, there is no purpose in continuing to lament about our lost heritage. What we shall do instead is to surpass them and reach a stage of overall development they have not reached, and show new paths and possibilities to the world. Dear Sons and Daughters, we are now engaged in building your future!”

Our country’s education standard has been very bad for long. One must, however, be conscious of the distinction between ‘standard’ and ‘system’. Under this regime the education system, too, is fast decaying.

A cursory glance at the record of the organs of the education system – relevant ministries, the University Grants Commission, the Examinations Department etc. – over the past few years would suffice to understand how appalling the situation is. In 2008, GCE Ordinary Level students were made to redo Part II of the mathematics paper, because the first paper was declared unfair. The problems related to the 2011 Advanced Level Examinations are well known; students were so confused that over a hundred thousand students applied for re-scrutiny (this costs Rs 750). In September last year, Ceylon Teachers Services Union criticized the Examinations Department for proceeding to evaluate Grade 5 Scholarship examination papers, without conducting proper investigations into alleged wrongdoings. Later last year, O/L science questions were leaked, and as a remedy all the students were freely awarded nineteen points (out of a hundred). Then there is also the controversy surrounding the Law College Entrance Examination. Add to these the numerous trade union actions led by teachers unions, shortage of teachers in schools and universities, occasional closure of universities, delays in releasing results and rampant corruption we have an unprecedented mess in the system .
The worst part about the whole story is that relevant authorities are undisturbed by this colossal deterioration. In fact, they maintain that things are just fine.

The Minister of Education and the Minister of Higher Education are operating without any vision or long term strategy. This was evident when Bandula Gunawardena recently debunked the ex-Chief Justice’s verdict on the Z-score fiasco. When asked why he accepted the ruling at the time it was issued, the Minister replied, ‘I did not want to end up in prison for contempt of court’. S B Dissanayake who spoke to the awaiting students, back in January, during the University Students’ Leadership Training is said to have evaded the most important question of when university classes would commence. Instead, he chose to slam the JVP and the remaining fragments of the LTTE for allegedly disturbing academic activities.

None of our universities feature in any university ranking of repute. Fortunes of once great universities like the University of Peradeniya are on the wane. Little ‘new’ knowledge is being produced as a result of limited funding for research.
Poor quality uniform material has been distributed, the treasurer of the Ceylon Teachers’ Union (CTU), Nishantha Deshapriya, charged on the 23rd of January. He claimed that children have been given sub-standard, transparent material to stitch uniforms with. Some students have found the length of the material short, and inadequate to tailor a complete uniform.

Each new day a new controversy surrounds the education system, and each new day we sink to new lows. Parents have expressed their discontent, and the growing distrust in the system is becoming increasingly more evident. The irresponsible conduct of the highest authorities is not helping. How ‘we shall surpass those who have gone ahead of us and reach a stage of overall development they have not reached, and show new paths and possibilities to the world’ remains to be seen.

The Larger Picture: A System Gone Wrong

The free education system no longer serves the purpose it was created for: making education the inheritance of the poor.
The sad reality is that people are paying for education. I paid. Everyone pays. My parents would mock me that my typical school day starts with Jesus and ends with money . Everyone pays to be granted entrance to a state school. This amount is generally known as ‘the gift for school development.’ Depending on the district, the school and the grade, this required gift may vary from five-thousand to a hundred-thousand and more. Securing admission in a leading school for Advanced Level is a ridiculously costly exercise. And there are a thousand other payments one makes to the school throughout a calendar year – sports fee, school development fee, teachers’ day celebration fee, till-collection, and you-name-it-they-have-it. There were many whose families sacrificed meals to meet such demands. Some poor students were repeatedly at the receiving end of belittling remarks of the school administration as a consequence of their inability to produce money at will.

Private tuition centres and the so-called personal tutors have seemingly become part of the (free) education system. Especially in the Advanced Level classes, it is impossible to survive without taking private tuition. In the Advanced Level classes, now, one does not simply get taught at school anymore: one is only given guidance to find the best personal tutor for each subject. I did not have a physics teacher for the greater part of my Advanced Level days; my mathematics teacher only covered a half of the syllabus at school – the rest was taught during early morning classes for which we paid; my chemistry teacher was a genuine person with little experience.

The Grade 5 Scholarship Examination is conducted yearly to serve two purposes: a. to provide opportunities for promising students to join better schools, b. to provide good students, from poor backgrounds, financial assistance. While the first purpose is fulfilled to some extent, the second never is. To be eligible for the monthly allowance, one’s family must have an annual income of below Rs. 48, 000. Everyone cheats by bribing the Grama Niladhari, whose verification is the only external reference required. Poor students gain very little from the Grade 5 Examination, for the exam is highly competitive and requires additional training and preparation. Additional training, of course, costs a lot of money.

The district quota system that is in place for university selection is also flawed. First, a district quota system should only be a temporary measure: the permanent solution is a national merit system complemented by equal distribution of resources. Second, since there are privileged schools in every district, it is the elite of those districts who benefit from quotas than the most backward in those districts. Third, it helps rural elite at the expense of urban under-class. Finally, the district quota system, like the Grade 5 Examinations, is subject to abuse and manipulation. Many schools are willing to keep the attendance register updated if one offers money and influence. Such students take classes in areas like Colombo and Kandy throughout their Advanced Level and rob the quota allocation of students from less privileged districts, who study with severe limitations. The district that I am from is notorious for this malpractice.

While I have presented examples from my personal experience, such trends are common to all parts of the country. Pointing out all the flaws in the country’s education system is beyond the capabilities of this author, and also the scope of this article. However, I hope the above mentioned examples prove two fundamental flaws: 1.the state education system is no longer a ‘free system’, 2. it is not helping the neediest of students.

The FUTA Strike and the Future


The trade union action organised by the Federation of University Teachers’ Association (FUTA) was significant for many reasons. Between July and October last year the FUTA campaigned for a pay hike, university autonomy and academic freedom, increased funding for education – the 6% of GDP for education demand – and policy reforms. The major achievements of the FUTA struggle were building up a national movement, creating countrywide public discussion about education and raising awareness on the state of ‘free’ education in the country. Indeed, it was also a timely reminder for university teachers themselves as to the role they are expected to play in the country.

Yet, the FUTA struggle did not deliver on its promise. The manner in which the trade union action was called off was anticlimactic to say the least. Just as the struggle began gaining steam, it was stopped dead on its tracks. After obtaining a few, nominal, promises from the government, the FUTA ended its trade union action on the 12th of October.

‘We may have ended our strike, but our campaign to enhance and protect the public funded education system in this country is far from over,’ wrote Dr Nirmal Ranjith Devasiri, the president of FUTA, the day after the strike came to an end. For a long period of time FUTA remained silent, following that post. Even the regime’s complete disregard of FUTA’s proposals did not provoke a strong public note from the trade union. Verité Research, a private research firm and think-tank, on Budget 2013, notes, ‘the total allocation for all education is 163,400 million in 2013 (1.88 as % of GDP). This is a nominal growth of 5.9% from 2012 and implies a decline of almost 2% in real terms as the GDP deflator for 2012 is expected to be about 7.8%’. The signature collection campaign launched by FUTA has only attained a little more than 1/5 of its initial target, and the numbers have been stagnant for long. Very recently, however, he revealed that FUTA will re-commence their public agitation campaign. Hopefully, learning from its last year’s efforts the union will be more effective.

Some have criticized FUTA for failing to win the support of a large portion of the academic community, and have prescribed that FUTA should have ‘convinced’ this group before launching the strike. This group has been, wrongly, referred to as the ‘middle ground’ – those who neither supported nor sided with the establishment. The middle ground among academics – or, passive onlookers – is, in fact, a snap shot of the new Lankan majority: a population characterized by apathy and selfishness. The academics who did not participate in the trade union action were perfectly aware of what FUTA was campaigning for: what they needed was not convincing, but the willingness to stand up for what is right. If the government had heeded FUTA’s demands for pay hike, the middle ground would have certainly been happy.

FUTA’s demands, as we saw, resonate well with the masses and therefore have immense potential. For over a hundred days, FUTA succeeded in holding the attention of the public – the ordinary people; something that the resistance against the impeachment of the Chief Justice did not manage. Academics, and university students, have a vital role to play in how the future shapes itself. Discussion and debate on state education must be sustained with greater civil participation. Strategic thinking must go into utilizing the positive outcomes of the trade union action – an invigorated group of university teachers; a far more mindful public; the forming of an informal alliance among other trade unions and civil society groups – so that (at least what is left of) the momentum is preserved. Sri Lanka needs an active FUTA.

Rethinking Education Reforms

The system badly requires a complete overhaul. However, badly planned reforms can do serious damage. Thus, the need for meticulous planning and implementation cannot be overstated.

Reforms must enhance the education to better fulfil the founding objectives. Principles of fairness and justice must form the basis for any attempt at mending the system. The concept of reverse discrimination must also be given due thought, especially when changes are made to the district quota system. Democratising institutions of education is also an important task. Furthermore, there must be a concerted effort to protect education from political influence.

The public must realise its role as the primary stakeholder of the state education system. Academics should be given the responsibility of taking education forward. It is only them – not politicians – who can bring positive change.

Elijah Hoole was educated at St. Xavier’s Boys’ College, Mannar, and is currently employed at Verité Research. He has been selected to follow Engineering at the South Eastern University of Sri Lanka. More of his work can be found at www.storiesofthewind.tumblr.com.


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Monday, February 11, 2013

Schooling: Picking and plucking coconuts


The Island,  


Editorial

Education Minister Bandula Gunawardena got into hot water a few moons ago for claiming that a family of three could live on a monthly income of Rs. 7,500 if the home economy was frugally managed. He, true to form, flew in the face of common sense in a futile bid to prove his point and cut a very pathetic figure in the process. Today, it has become patently clear that when he plucked that figure out of the air he chose to ignore at least the ‘cost of free education’ which even the poorest of the poor have to bear as evident from the predicament of a small schoolgirl from Horana who allegedly stole a few coconuts from a neighbour’s garden to raise funds for colour-washing her classroom. She was charged with theft, produced before Courts and enlarged on bail. The law is said to be an ass. Equally asinine are those who enforce it.

President Mahinda Rajapaksa has ordered a probe into the incident. His action seems to have gone down well with the public, but his government ought to do what really needs to be done. Parents have to pay through the nose to maintain their children’s schools which are starved of state funds, be it in Colombo or in the rural backwaters. This, they do with nary a peep as they are wary of antagonising school authorities for obvious reasons. They have to beg, borrow or steal.

The schoolgirl of Horana had to steal as her parents could not beg or borrow. The government should not pretend that it is unaware of the sorry state of affairs in the education sector. It is quite au fait with the situation. Besides regular financial contributions to the state-run schools perennially thirsting for money, parents have to pay for their children’s private tuition as well, which costs them an arm and a leg. The public school system has gone the same way as the Sri Lanka Transport Board, which has been overtaken by the private sector.

The aforesaid presidential inquiry, in our book, has the trappings of a red herring in that it is apparently aimed at covering up the government’s culpability. The government does not allocate enough funds for maintaining schools. This is the main issue that needs to be addressed, we reckon. If the government looks after the school system properly there will be no need for funds to be collected from parents for repairs etc. So, while the errant principals who demand money from parents should be dealt with appropriately, as the Education Minister has promised, the blame for school heads squeezing parents dry should be apportioned to the government which has failed in its duty where the allocation of resources for education is concerned.

This is not the first time the long arm of the law has swung into action against small children ruthlessly; nor will it be the last. On Sept. 10, 2010, we reported that a 13-year-old girl, also from Kalutara, had been arrested for allegedly stealing Rs. 5.00––yes, FIVE RUPEES––hauled up before Courts and bailed out. Politicians and the media let out a howl of protest, but precious little was done by way of amending the draconian laws. Children are being thus dealt with for petty thefts in a country where tax evaders, plunderers of public wealth, criminals in the garb of politicians and well-connected fraudsters carry out their sordid operations with impunity. No one has been arrested for the multi-billion-rupee CPC hedging racket.

The Federation of University Teachers’ Associations (FUTA), which took to the streets a few months ago, demanding, among other things, a substantial increase in state funds for education stands vindicated. It looks as if the country had come to such a pass that children now have to commit larceny to help maintain schools. The government is without any pecuniary woes when it comes to bidding for international sports events like the Commonwealth Games and holding political circuses and all sorts of Saturnalia which gobble up a great deal of public funds. Facilities available in schools and universities are wretchedly inadequate and the quality of education is far from satisfactory. Setting up more and more international schools and private universities is certainly not the answer. The government had better stop believing in its own lies, cut down on its wasteful expenditure, get its priorities right and increase investment substantially in the education sector if it wants to achieve its ambitious goal of turning this country into Asia’s Knowledge Hub. Else, the day may not be far off when the majority of children have to pick coconuts to raise funds to help run schools and, worse, pluck coconuts after passing GCE A/L, deprived of their right to higher education or after university graduation, unable to be gainfully employed.

Friday, January 18, 2013

UGC Circular No. 1000 on Revision of Allowances

Download UGC Circular No 1000




MUST READ-COURTESY MAURICE ANGHIE

-KINDLY READ TO END & YOU BE THE JUDGE

Courtesy Maurice Anghie- CPA, Ex Partner Grant Thornton, Director
Mining Co.- Perth
(RC Rugby Capt 1959-Son Of BC Anghie-RC Warden & Master In Charge- RC
Rugby & Brother
of Dr Trevor Anghie & Tony Anghie)

 My dear Sri Lankans,
 I write with despair as I trouble for what my country is currently
going  through. I have traveled well enough to know that our land is
blessed by  God and is a land better than any other. The riches
embedded in our history,  culture and spirit are richer than the
commercial wealth of most countries and this is why I hurt when I see
that our identity, freedom and spirit of a  nation is threatened and
held ransom by our politicians.

 I write not with animosity against the President, the Government, the
Opposition, ethnicity or creed but I write against the corrupt political
culture of our country created by successive governments and
facilitated by coalition parties and the opposition members for the
sake of perks and  positions. If I sound critical or personal, it is
only because of my anxiety  for the issues that are plaguing our
nation and for the importance of  highlighting the people responsible
for the seriousness of the issues. I do  apologize in advance for any
criticism that might take precedence over what  modesty may demand
when addressing the head of state and members of  parliament. Contrary
to what you are made to believe by the government this  country is
heading towards a colossal economic, political, moral and social
collapse and the following calls for your serious attention if you
care for Sri Lanka .

 Here are a few points to ponder as to why you should act.
 • On the 18th of May 2009 when the war drew to a close I was eager to
 usher in a new beginning with the President declaring that all people will
 be equal. I was hoping the government would make it a level playing field
 for every Sri Lankan irrespective of race, creed or cast to compete, thrive
 and progress for self and country. We fought a war to protect our
 sovereignty and independence but 3 years on, the country is as polarized or
 even worse than before. We won a war but we have lost our hope, we won a war
 but we have lost our dignity and the right as a people, we won a war but
 have lost our identity as Sri Lankans. There is more hatred, anger and
 insecurity than ever before and the environment is being primed for another
 militant uprising. So I ask, have we won at all?

 • I was told for 30 long years that we were fighting a war to protect
 our freedom, identity and sovereignty as a nation and I salute soldier
 Prasanna from Galle and soldier Ranjan from Hingurakgoda who along with
 thousands of others laid down their lives for us. But today we are staring
 down the barrels of the same guns that silenced the Tigers, for expressing
 our opinion that the Government doesn't want to hear. When the President
 said that every Sri Lankan is equal, I am certain that he meant the
 journalists, too. Where is the freedom, the identity and the sovereignty
 that Prasanna and Ranjan gave us? Have we won at all?

 • The dawn of yet another day in Sri Lanka , which is supposed to
 commence with hope, starts with abductions, horrific murders and rapes. Far
 too excessive for a small country like ours to handle. The long arm of the
 law covers-up a story linked to the government and is slow to exercise the
 law to protect the democratic rights of people. When a government spokesman
 himself knows that deep within, he is falsifying facts to fabricate a story
 to mislead people, and the police are forced to issue a statement contrary
 to true events, I ask, have we won at all?

 • Do we measure freedom by the lack of checkpoints and by the growing
 number of restaurants, flashy cars and stylish boutiques mostly patronized
 by people with ill-gotten wealth from a manipulated stock market and we call
 this progress and development? When 2 kilometers from the heart of Colombo a
 mother is struggling to feed her children and her husband has drugged
 himself into a drain with the produce from a politician, I ask, have we won
 at all?

 • Can a mother or a daughter walk on the streets of Sri Lanka without
 being hurled with verbal and physical abuse. They go to the Police station
 to make a complaint and the policeman rapes the mother. Then a politician
 attacks and kills a foreigner because he wants to rape his fiance. The
 politician is released on bail and is roaming freely because he is related
 to the President. Is the ambition “Wonder of Asia” to be rated as the
 highest for sexual abuses in South Asia ? When the government and the very
 authority that is there to protect the public, turns against you, I ask,
 have we won at all?

 • The media is controlled and manipulated to share everything but the
 truth and if you dare speak the truth you will be dealt with in a manner
 that there is no trace of you or the person who attacked you. Do you
 honestly believe that a government that silenced the world’s deadliest
 terrorist group is unable to apprehend the killers of a journalist or
 abductors of another? They don't pursue such criminality, as they only know
 too well that if they do they will only end up apprehending themselves. With
 injustice like this, have we won at all?

 • I open the newspapers and switch-on the TV only to hear what the
 government has sanctioned to be told to the public; praise for the rulers,
 their families and their representatives in parliament. When Prasanna and
 Ranjan died for us they also died for the journalists so that they can
 express themselves through a free media in a freer Sri Lanka . However, today
 the journalists and the public are asked to live in silent obedience when
 all they ask is for their freedom. Have we won at all?

 • Being in leadership is to guide people to be better citizens but
 when politicians, whether in government or the opposition, are seen in
 public and in the media exposing poor moral standards it only contributes to
 the making of an unhealthy society that has manifested itself in the form of
 rapists, murderers, cheaters and robbers. As a result our children are
 exposed to this vulgarism that is as corrupt as pornography polluting the
 environment that they grow up in. They fight on the streets with a vengeance
 having understood that this is the way you survive in the “new” Sri Lanka .
 Their parents decide to take the administration into their own hands by
 rejecting the appointment of a school principal by hurling stones and abuse.
 Is this what we have come down to? I ask, have we won at all?

 • A frail constitution initiated by an insecure former President has
 embedded a sense of insecurity in all of us that make us fight each other
 for our survival. Legal parlance aside, a nation’s constitution is to give
 us the people the power to decide and the confidence to progress and thrive.
 The Executive Presidency that every President after Jayawardene promised to
 eliminate has only intoxicated this President and the others with more
 power, making them unaccountable for their wrong-doings. Know this people!
 Little do we realize that the policies and consistent undemocratic action by
 this government and the past governments, are equal to the threat of the
 sovereignty of our country that was once laid siege by the Tigers. So I ask,
 have we won at all?

 • The cancer of these respective governments is spreading through
 their families and cronies into the state services, hospitals, sport
 (particularly in cricket & rugby), the media, schools, the stock market etc.
 and it is all evolving into a dictatorship under the guise of democracy.
 Therefore, have we won at all?

 • Have you stopped to wonder how a so-called noble man who claims that
 he is from a village has amassed so much wealth? Following a resolution
 presented in Parliament by the Minster of Parliamentary Affairs in November
 2006 under Article 36 (4) of the Constitution the monthly salary of the
 President was increased from Rs. 25,000 to Rs. 61,250 effective from January
 01, 2006 and again to Rs. 97,500 effective from January 01, 2007. Double
 this amount or triple it or multiply in by ten or a thousand and you will
 still be short of the billions of rupees they have amassed as a family.
 Money rightly for the people has now become theirs. I ask, have we won at
 all?

 • “If you are not for us then you are against us” seems to be the
 motto of this government that claims to run a democracy. The threat is
 serious and far-reaching and is not limited to institutions, business
 establishments, the public or the media. It has now infiltrated the
 judiciary and reached the Chief Justice. We are fast becoming a nation of
 puppets and stooges of an ugly regime where even the law of the land cannot
 be enforced if it does not suit the hidden agenda of the ruling family. If
 only my fellow Sri Lankans pause to understand the serious implications and
 insult that has been cast upon our dignity and our sovereignty you will then
 ask yourselves, have we won at all?

 • A number of those living in Colombo and other commercial cities are
 comfortable and self-sufficient enough not to feel the pain and folly of
 this government at least for today as poverty is still a distant future away
 for these privileged few. But for us the common man, the farmer, the
 laborer and the likes of those whose votes count immensely to make a
 President and to elect a government in this country, will suffer the most.
 The one who works and toils hard will continue to be taxed and robbed by the
 government through bribes. The government’s intention is to keep us poor and
 dependent on them so that they can manipulate us in any which way they want.
 They rob our money daily to fuel their ugly lifestyles. This has been the
 strategy of the PA & the UNP. It will be the strategy of the JVP, Sarath
 Fonseka, Weerawansa, Rauf Hakeem, Sampanthan and all other current leaders,
 too if they are in power. It’s all about the ugly greed for power and money
 and not about empowering the masses and growing them to be a strong
 middle-class society, which in turn will drive our economy forward and
 making our nation competitive and self-reliant.

 • Yes! It is true that Western nations and the UN are after us because
 we faltered in many areas that the public does not see other than for what
 the government wants you to falsely believe. This government is in serious
 trouble whether we like it or not. However they have cleverly made this
 international setback an advantage to dramatize the rhetoric against Western
 nations. Every time the government looks weak in the eyes of the people they
 fan anti-western and anti UN propaganda just to mobilize support to keep
 them in power by working you up against western nations. Please don't fall
 for this well-orchestrated diversionary tactic. It’s only a few of us who
 know how humble, meek and obedient they are to the Western Powers in Geneva ,
 EU and the US . If tomorrow these western nations whom we so despise close
 the tap and stop trading with us or lending us money we will crumble to the
 foundation. I don't doubt that the UN and the Western nations have their own
 hidden agenda but it is the initiative of this government and the past
 regimes that have made Sri Lanka slaves and dependents to these bodies. So I
 ask have we won at all?

 • The former Army commander who effectively led a war against the
 terrorists shamelessly claims that he is the sole success of the war and
 therefore should be considered to lead the country. Whilst we have to credit
 him with the leadership he gave the military it does not necessarily qualify
 him to lead this country. It was he who implied that the minorities should
 be thankful to be living in this country (like as if they were some
 visitors) and therefore must learn to live with the majority” A man who is a
 racist from the core has no stature of a true general and definitely does
 not have the quality to be the President of our multi-ethnic country. With
 this kind of narrow thinking leaders that a war produced, I ask, have we won
 at all?

 • The price of victory from war is only a seed to grow into another.
 One rejoices and the other grows with the pain of deep hurt and immense
 loss, not of possessions but their pride and dignity. The Sinhalese, Tamils,
 Muslims, Malays, Burghers, Moors, Sindhis, Borahs, Chinese and all other
 communities, however big or small, are all part of this vibrant society
 called Sri Lanka . It is the intercultural and interethnic weave that makes
 the fabric of our society so rich and strong. Let us prevent this seed of
 ethnic disharmony from being planted again by these politicians. They were
 the cause of this divisive post-independence rule that manifested into a
 war. If we care for the future of our children then let’s protect them from
 harvesting yet another war of hatred, by opposing these politicians. It is
 then that we can truly say we have won a war.

 I am impressed but equally appalled by the tolerance and patience of our
 people. How long should we wait to realize that we have a voice so that it
 may be heard, dignity that needs to be safeguarded and sovereignty to enjoy?
 It is time for us to find a new leader beyond the Rajapakses,
 Wickremasignhes, Jayasuriyas, Premadasas, Fonsekas. Sampanthans, Hakeems,
 Weerawansas, Pillayans and Karunas. The many more pseudo leaders in
 Parliament and just outside Parliament agitating to get-in are simply there
 to grab more power and money. None of them have the intellect or metal to
 lead this country in the 21st century. Let’s end this misery and show
 dissent by rejecting this leadership in whatever peaceful but determined
 way. But let your voice be heard this time. It’s time!

 Rise , Sri Lanka ! Rise!

 Yours sincerely,

 A Fellow Sri Lankan who has nothing to gain but his own country

 Please share this on email, blogs, social media and all other print and
 digital media. Please translate it in to Sinhala and Tamil and please
make sure it gets
 circulated to as many as possible if you care for our country, Sri Lanka .

Dayan Jayatilleka - on FUTA

Mirror.lk, 


Special interview for mirror.lk with Dayan Jayatilleka.

You are going back into the corridors of academe in SL. Your thoughts
on the future of university education in the context of the
unprecedented recent FUTA strike.

The FUTA struggle was an important one, in that it represented an
awakening of one of the most vital social sectors in this or any
country. Not since the general election campaign of 1970 has there
been such a mobilization of the university academics. The future of
any society resides with its educated youth and therefore with its
institutions of higher education, especially the universities. A
country that boasts of 7-8% growth must surely invest more in higher
education, including in its cadre of university teachers which
constitutes the segment in society with the highest levels of
education. A highly educated populace is a foundation of national
security and sovereignty. Absolutely nothing can justify the declinein
the spending on education in postwar Sri Lanka. How is it even
conceivable that a country spends less on education in peacetime than
it did in wartime? This will make Sri Lanka far less able to deal with
the challenges it faces in the Cold war that is being waged against it
by the separatist faction of the Tamil Diaspora. We can win the Cold
war only if we have the highly educated and internationally
competitive human resources to do so.

This having been said, I must add that there were tactical errors and
a rhetorical inflation in the FUTA struggle, which brought it to a
risky impasse. It is good that Dr. Nirmal Ranjith Devasiri and Ven
Dambara Amila Thero, who are politically literate, managed to avoid a
July 1980 type defeat that would have resulted from the tactic of
frontal confrontation.

One of the weaknesses of the FUTA strike was that there were a large
number of academics who did not sign up; who did not participate. I do
not refer to the handful who took the side of the Establishment; I
refer to the middle ground. So it seems to me that FUTA should have
continued the public pedagogy and agitation for a longer period,
broadening and deepening its support base, convincing the middle
ground among the academics, before it resorted to strike action.

http://www.colombotelegraph.com/index.php/impeachment-a-perfect-blunder-2/

Internet petition for Uni students’ release


Daily Mirror, 18/01/2013


An internet petition signing campaign was held yesterday by the members of the Movement of the Equal Rights at the Lions Club Rajagiriya demanding the government to release the arrested University students in Jaffna. Pix by Nisal Baduge




Thursday, January 17, 2013

Ruhuna Uni Student leader attacked by thugs

Mirror.lk 17/01/2012

(Mirror) - The President of the Ruhuna University Students Council, Mr, Harasha Gunewardene has been attacked by thugs, according to reports. He has been attacked by a group who had come in a Defender vehicle and is now warded in the Matara General Hospital with a fracture in one of his hands.

The assailants had attacked the student leader  when he was in front of the Maddawatte hostel by thugs and although there were other students around, only he was targeted.

 It is  believed that this attack could be connected to the one where some students of the university had been attacked  recently.




කොළඹ විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ ශාස්ත්‍ර පීඨයේ ආර්ථික විද්‍යා පාසැලක් ආරම්භ කිරීම පිළිබඳ යෝජණාවලිය සම්බන්ධව කොළඹ විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයීය ශාස්ත්‍ර පීඨ ආචාර්යවරුන්ගේ සංගමයේ නිරීක්ෂණ


I.            ආර්ථික විද්‍යා දෙපාර්තම්න්තුව ආර්ථික විද්‍යා පාසැලක් (මින් පසුව පාසැල) බවට පත් කිරීමේ යෝජණාව රජයේ ප්‍රතිපත්තිමය ආස්ථානය සමඟ සමපාත වෙයි.  පශ්චාද්-ගැටුම් සංවර්ධන ක්‍රියාවලියේ මූලික අදියරේ දී ශ්‍රී ලංකාව ගෝලීය දැනුම් කේණ්‍ද්‍රස්ථානයක් බවට පත් කිරීමේ  ජාතික ප්‍රතිපත්තිමය අරමුණු වලට මෙම පාසැල දායක වෙතැයි කියැවේ.  (බලන්න, යෝජනාවලිය පි. 17).

ආර්ථික විද්‍යා පාසැලක් ආරම්භ කිරීමේ අරමුණ ආර්ථික විද්‍යා අධ්‍යාපනය වාණිජකරණයට ලක් කිරීම බැව් ඉතා පැහැදිළිය.  ඒ වනාහි විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයීය ආචාර්යවරුන්ගේ සංගමය ඉතා මෑතක සටන් කල අරමුණු වලට ඉඳුරාම ප්‍රතිවිරුද්ධ ය.  6% ක් අධ්‍යාපනය සඳහා වෙන්කර ගැනීමේ අරගලයේ දී අප රාජ්‍ය අධ්‍යාපනය රැක ගැනීම උදෙසා පොදු ජනතාව සමඟ ගිවිසුමකට එළැඹි අතර එකී රාජ්‍ය අධ්‍යාපනයට රාජ්‍ය විශ්වවිද්‍යාල පද්ධතිය ද ඇතුළත් විය.  මෙම සටනේ දී ආචාර්ය සංගමයට ලැබුනු අති විශාල මහජන සහයෝගය ඔවුන් එම අරමුණු සමඟ සපුරා එකඟ බවට වූ සාක්ෂියකි.  මෙම සහය අපගේ වේතනමය හා අනෙකුත් ඉල්ලීම් දිනා ගැනීම උ‍දෙසා ද තීරණාත්මක ව බළපෑවේ ය.  එවන් තත්ත්වයක් තුළ, යට කී සමාජ ගිවිසුම උල්ලංඝණය කිරීමට අප හට කිසිඳු සදාචාරාත්මක අයිතියක් නොමැත.  දිවයිනෙහි ස්ථාපිත විශ්වවිද්‍යාලක එවන් පාසැලක් ආරම්භ කල හොත්, අප වනාහී ආත්මාර්ථකාමී ආචාර්ය කොට්ඨාශයක් යන්න පිළිගැනීමට ලක්වීම කිසිවෙකුට වැළැක්විය නොහැක. 

ආර්ථික විද්‍යා විෂය සම්බන්ධයෙන් පමණක් විශේෂීකරණය වූ මෙම පාසැල ආරම්භ කිරීමේ ලා වන සාධාරණීකරණය ලෝකයේ වෙනත් කිසිදු ආර්ථික විද්‍යා පාසැලක් සමඟ සංසන්දනය කළ නොහැකි ය.  සාමාන්‍ය‍යෙන් පාසැලක අරමුණු ශික්ෂණ ගණනාවක් එකතුව ඇති අධ්‍යාපන පාඨමාලා නිර්මාණය කරමින් කේවල විෂය සීමාවකින් ඔබ්බට යාමයි. 

වර්තමාණයේ ශාස්ත්‍රපීඨ සම්පත් වෙන් කිරීමේ ප්‍රමුඛතා සළකා බලන විට එම මුල් තැන ජනමාධ්‍ය ඒකකය හා ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂා ඉගැන්වීම් ඒකකය දෙපාර්තමේන්තු බවට යාවත් කිරීම සඳහා වෙන් විය යුතුය.  ශිෂ්‍ය අනුපාතය සළකා බලන විට වැඩිම ශිෂ්‍ය සංඛ්‍යාවක් ආකර්ෂණය වන්නේ ජනමාධ්‍ය ඒකකයට වන නමුත් එහි ස්ථිර ආචාර්ය මණ්ඩලය තිදෙනෙකුගෙන් පමණක් සමන්විත වෙයි.  විශාල ශිෂ්‍ය සංඛ්‍යාවකට ඉගැන්වීම් කෙරෙන ඉංග්‍රීසි භාෂා ඉගැන්වීම් ඒකකය සතුව මූළික පහසුකම් හෝ නොමැත.  උදාහරණයක් ලෙස ඉගැන්වීම් කටයුතු සඳහා අනෙක් දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවල දේශන ශාලා ලබා ගැනීමට යැදීමට එයට සිදුව ඇත.

      පීඨයේ දෙපාර්තමේන්තු අන්‍යෝන්‍ය සහයෝගයෙන් ක්‍රියා කරන අතරම පොදුවේ ගැටළු නිරාකරණය කර ගනිමින් එක්ව සංවර්ධනය විය යුතුය.  විදේශීය විශ්වවිද්‍යාලවල පවත්නා තත්ත්වය වන්නේ වර්ථමාණ දැනුම් ආර්ථිකය තුළ අඩු ආකර්ෂණයක් සහිත එහෙත් වැඩි වැදගත් කමක් ඇති නර්තන, දර්ශන වැනි දෙපාර්තමේන්තු අනෙක් දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවල සම්පත් පවා කැප කරමින් පවත්වාගෙන යාමයි. 

      දිවයිනේ බොහෝ ශාස්ත්‍ර පීඨ තම නම් සමාජීය විද්‍යා සහ මානව ශාස්ත්‍ර පීඨ ලෙස වෙනස් කරගෙන ඇති අතර අවශ්‍ය නම් අපට සියළුම දෙපාර්තමේන්තු හා සමඟ පීඨය එකම පාසැලක් ලෙස ප්‍රතිනාමකරනය කළ හැකිය. 

      එසේම මෙකී යොජණාවලිය ආර්ථික විද්‍යා දෙපාර්තම්න්තුවෙහි දී සාකච්ඡා කර ශාස්ත්‍රපීඨයෙන් ස්වාධීන ආයතනයක් ලෙස පාසලක් ස්ථාපිත කිරීමට එහි සාමාජිකයන් සියල්ල ගේ අනුමැතිය ලබා ගත්තේද යන්න පැහැදිළි නොමැත. 

      පහත ඇක්වෙන ආකාරයට මෙම පාසැල හා ශාස්ත්‍රපීඨය අතර යෝජිත පාර්ශ්වීය සම්බන්ධතාව තෘප්තිමත් විය හැකි මට්ටමක නොමැත. 

      එසේම ආර්ථික විද්‍යා දෙපාර්තම්න්තුවෙහි අවශ්‍යතාව එය ස්වාධීන ආයතනයක් බවට පත් කිරීම නම් එය ශාස්ත්‍රපීඨයෙන් සහමුලින්ම වෙන් විය යුතුය.  එසේම ශාස්ත්‍රපීඨයයේ නව ආර්ථික විද්‍යා ‍ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුවක් ආරම්භ කර ඒ සඳහා වෙන් කෙරෙන තනතුරු, ස්ථාන සහ සම්පත් පිළිබඳව සාකච්ඡා කළ යුතුය. 

ශාස්ත්‍රපීඨය හා යෝජිත පාසැල අතර වන පාර්ශ්වීය සම්බන්ධතාව ශාස්ත්‍රපීඨ දෘෂ්ඨි කෝණයෙන් ගත් විට පහත කරුණු මත පිළිගත ‍නොහැක. 

II.            පාසැල හා පීඨ අතර සබඳතාව යෝජිත පාසැල, ආර්ථික විද්‍යා දෙපාර්තම්න්තුව විසින් දැනට පීඨය තුළ සිදු කරන කාර්යයට අමතරව කිසිදු නව දායකත්වයක් ලබා දෙනු ඇතැයි නිරීක්ෂණය කල නොහැක.  එහෙත් ඉන් ඇතිවිය හැකි අයහපත් ප්‍රතිඵලයක් වනු ඇත්තේ පීඨයේ පවත්නා තත්ත්වය පහත වැටීම පමණි. 

එසේම පීඨයේ හා පාසැලේ වාර්ෂික කාල සටහන් සමමුහුර්ත කිරීමට යෝජිතය.  කෙසේ වෙතත් කිසියම් හේතුවක් මත පීඨයේ පාර්ශවයෙන් ඊට බාධා එල්ල වුවහොත් පාසැල පීඨයට වග කීමකින් තොරව දේශන පැවැත්වීමට බැඳී සිටී.  එවන් තත්ත්වයකදී කාල සටහන් සෑදීම, විභාග පැවැත්වීම සහ ප්‍රථිඵල නිකුත් කිරීම ආදී සියළුම අදියර වලදී පීඨය හා පාසැල අතර ගැටුම් පැන නැගීම නොවැළැක්විය හැකිය. 

එසේම, පාසැල ප්‍රථම උපාධි පාඨමාලා මුදල් අයකර පැවැත්වීමට තීරණය කළ හොත් එය රාජ්‍ය විශ්වවිද්‍යාල පද්ධතිය පිළිබඳ අපගේ අර්ථකථනවලට සහමුලින්ම ප්‍රතිවිරුද්ධ වනවාට අමතරව එවන් තත්ත්වයක් තුළ ඊට මැදිහත් වීමට පීඨයට බලයක් නොමැතිවනු ඇත. 

සම්පත් බෙදී යාම
      වර්තමාණයේ දෙපාර්තමේන්තුව සතු සියලු සම්පත් පාසැල විසින් අවශෝෂණය කර ගනු ඇත.  එමඟින් පීඨය සතු සම්පත් පාසැලට ලබා දීම නිසා පීඨයේ සම්පත් හානියක් සිදුවනු ඇත.

      ආර්ථික විද්‍යා දෙපාර්තම්න්තුවට අනුමත ස්ථීර ආචාර්ය තනතුරු 25 ක් ඊට අහිමි වනු ඇත.  මෙම තනතුරු හුදෙක් ආර්ථික විද්‍යා දෙපාර්තම්න්තුව සතු ඒවා නොවන අතර මීට පෙර අවස්ථාවල දෙපාර්තම්න්තුවල ස්ථීර තනතුරු හුවමාරු කර ගැනීමෙන් ඒ බව පැහැදිළි වෙයි.   

      දැනට ආර්ථික විද්‍යා දෙපාර්තම්න්තුව සතු කාර්යාල අවකාශය, සම්මන්ත්‍රණ ශාලා, දේශන ශාලා සහ අනිකුත් අවකාශ පීඨයට අයත්ය.  මෙම අවකාශවල පරිපාලනය පාසැල සතු වේ නම් පීඨයේ අනෙකුත් දෙපාර්තම්න්තු සහ ඒකක සඳහා එම අවකාශ ලබා ගැනීමේ පවතින ඉඩ ප්‍රස්ථා මොනවා ද?

      සම්පත් බෙදී යාම පිළිබඳව සළකා බලන විට පීඨ සංවර්ධනය සඳහා පාසැලේ ආදායමෙන් 5% කින් දායක වන බව පැවැසේ.  මෙම 5% ප්‍රතිශතය කිනම් මුළු ආදායමකින්ද?  වර්තමාණයේ දෙපාර්තම්න්තුව උත්පාදනය කරන අරමුදල් අනුව ගත් විට රුපියල් වලින් එය කවර මුදලක්ද?  පාසැලේ යෝජිත සිව් වාර්ෂික සැලැස්මට අනුව වසර 04 ක් අවසානයේ මෙම ප්‍රමාණය රුපියල් වලින් කවර මුළු මුදල් ප්‍රමාණයක් වෙයි ද? 

      එමෙන්ම දැනට දෙපාර්තම්න්තුවට ලබා දී ඇති අවකාශ වලට අමතරව පාසැලේ ගොඩනැගිලි අවකාශ තවදුරටත් ව්‍යාප්ත කිරීම සඳහා ශාස්ත්‍රපීඨාධිපති සමඟ සාකච්ඡා කර ඇතැයි පැවැසේ.  මෙය  ශාස්ත්‍ර පීඨයේ පීඨ මණ්ඩල රැස්වීමේ දී සාකච්ඡා කළ යුතුය. 

ශාස්ත්‍ර පීඨ ශිෂ්‍ය ප්‍රජාව කෙරෙහි වන බලපෑම
      වර්තමාණයේ දී ආර්ථික විද්‍යාව පිළිබඳ පෙර පුහුණුවක් නොලද ශිෂ්‍යයන්ට පවා ආර්ථික විද්‍යා ප්‍රථම උපාධි පාඨමාලාව හැදෑරිය හැකිය. එසේම ආර්ථික විද්‍යාව පිළිබඳ පුහුණුවක් සහිතව පීඨයට ඇතුළත් වන ශිෂ්‍යයෝ ද ආර්ථික විද්‍යා පාඨමාලාව හැදෑරීමට යොමු වෙති.  ඉZසෙඩ් අගය මත පදනම් ව යෝජිත පාසැලට සෘජුව ම ශිෂ්‍යයන් ප්‍රතිපාදන කොමිසම මඟින් ඇතුළත් කිරීමෙන් ආර්ථික විද්‍යා පාඨමාලාව හැදෑරීම සඳහා පීඨයට ඇතුළත්වන ශිෂ්‍යයන්ට අසාධාරණයක් සිදුවිය හැකිය.  එසේම යෝජණාවලියෙහි දැක්වෙන ආකාරයට පාසැලට සෘජුව ම ශිෂ්‍යයන් ඇතුළත් කරගත හොත් ඊට සාපේක්ෂව පීඨයෙන් පාසලට ඇතුලත් කර ගන්නා ශිෂ්‍ය සංඛ්‍යාව අඩු කෙරේ  (බලන්න යෝජනාවේ 5.1.3 කොටස).

      මේ අනුව පාසැල හා පීඨය සම්පූර්ණයෙන් ම වෙනස් නීති හා රෙගුලාසි අනුගමනය කිරීම නිසා එය අයහපත් ආකාරයට ශිෂ්‍යයන්ට බළපෑ හැකිය. 

විෂය නිර්දේශ
      යෝජිත ආර්ථික විද්‍යාවේදී  (BEcon) උපාධිය සඳහා වන විෂය නිර්දේශ කුමක් විය හැකි ද?  ශාස්ත්‍රපීඨ‍යේ පිරිනැමෙන කවර පාඨමාලා, කවර සංඛ්‍යාවක් ආර්ථික විද්‍යාවේදී උපාධිය හදාරන ශිෂ්‍යයන් හැදෑරිය යුතුද?  ආරම්භයේ දී යම්කිසි පාඨමාලා සංඛ්‍යාවක් ආර්ථික විද්‍යා ශිෂ්‍යයන් හැදෑරිය යුතු වුවත් එකී ශාස්ත්‍රපීඨ‍ පාඨමාලා සම්පූර්ණයෙන් ම ඉවත් කිරීමට පාසැල කටයුතු කළ හොත් එය වැලැක්වීමට පීඨය සතු වන බලය කුමක් ද? 

      මීට පෙර අත් දැක ඇති අවස්ථා අනුව සළකා බැලූ විට මෙම පාසැල ස්ථාපිත කිරීමේ අරමුණ ස්වාධීන ආයතනයක් බවට පත්වීමේ අභිලාශය වන බැවින් පාසැල ස්ථාපිත කළ පසු පීඨය, පාසැල හා විශ්වවිද්‍යාලය අතර වන සම්බන්ධය අනිවාර්යයෙන්ම දුර්වල එකක් වනු ඇත. 

කළමනාකරණ මණ්ඩලය
      පාසැලට අදාළ කාරණා තීරණය කිරීමේ දී කළමනාකරණ මණ්ඩලයට ඇතුළත් ශාස්ත්‍රපීඨ නියෝජිතයන්ට සැළකිය යුතු බලපෑමක් කිරීමේ හැකියාවක් නොමැත. 

      මෙම කළමනාකරණ මණ්ඩලයේ සංයුතිය සළකා බලන විට පෙනී යන්නේ එය පාසැල් කළමනාකාරීත්වයට වඩා පක්ෂපාතීව ගොඩ නැගී ඇති බවයි.  කෙනෙක්, රජයේ විධායක නිලධාරීන් ස්වාධීනව කටයුතු කරතැයි තක්සේරු කල විට පවා පාසැල් කලමණාකාරීත්වයේ බලපෑමෙන් තොර වැය හැකි සියළු සාමාජිකයන් පිරිස 09 දෙනෙක් වන අතර පාසැල් කලමණාකාරීත්වය විසින් පත් කෙරෙන හා එහි බලපෑමට යටත් පිරිස 11 ක් වෙයි.  එම සංඛ්‍යාවට විෂය ධාරා 05 නියෝජනය කරමින් පත්වන දෙපාර්තම්න්තු ප්‍රධානීන් 05 දෙනා ඇතුළත් වූ විට එය 16ක් දක්වා ඉහළ යනු ඇත. 

      එසේම පාසැල දෙපාර්තම්න්තු මට්ටමින් සීමාකාරී වන පරිපාලනමය හා මූල්‍ය රෙගුලාසි වලින් ස්වාධීන වීමේ අභිලාෂයෙන් යුතුවන අතරම එහි අධ්‍යයන හා පරිපාලන කාර්ය මණ්ඩල වල වැටුප්ගෙවීම සඳහා විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයේ අනුග්‍රහය දිගටම ලැබෙනු ඇත.  තවද පාසැල් කාර්ය මණ්ඩලයට ද විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයට බලපාන රෙගුලාසිම එයාකාරයටම බලපායි.  උදාහරණයක් ලෙස විශ්වවිද්‍යාලය තුළ වෙනත් පරිපාලනමය හෝ අධ්‍යයන තනතුරක් දැරීමට, රාජ්‍ය සේවය සඳහා නිදහස් කිරීම සහ සප්ත වාර්ෂික නිවාඩු ලබා ගැනීම හෝ අධ්‍යයන නිවාඩු ලබා ගැනීම සඳහා එහි කාර්ය මණඩලය නිදහස් කිරීම (බලන්න, යෝංනාවේ අංක 6.5 දරන කොටස) දැක්විය හැකිය. 

      ඊට අමතරව පීඨයට හා පාසැලට අදාල පොදු ප්‍රශ්ණ සාකච්ඡා කෙරෙන අවස්ථා සඳහා හැරුණු කොට ශාස්ත්‍රපීඨ මණ්ඩලය සඳහා පාසැලෙන් ද නියෝජිතයන් පත් කිරීමේ  අර්ථය අපැහැදිළිය. 

ශාස්ත්‍රපීඨයෙන් ස්වායත්ත වීම
      ආර්ථික විද්‍යා දෙපාර්තම්න්තුව පාසැලක් බවට පත් වීම ශාස්ත්‍රපීඨයේ ඒකාබද්ධතාවය බිඳවැටීමේ ආරම්භය වනු ඇත.  වෙනත් පීඨ ද මෙයාකාරයෙන් විසුරුවා හැරීමට එය උත්තේජනයක් වනු ඇති අතර අවසානයේ එය විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයයේ ඒකාබද්ධතාවය බිඳ වැටීමටත් අවසානයේ රාජ්‍ය විශ්වවිද්‍යාල පෞද්ගලීකරණය වීමටත් බලපානු ඇත. 

      එසේම වෙනත් දෙපාර්තම්න්තු ද තනිව හෝ ඒකාබද්ධව මෙයාකාර පාසැල් ආරම්භ කිරීමට යොමු වීමේ වැඩි ඉඩකඩක් පවතී.  උදාහරණයක් ලෙස සමාජ විද්‍යා දෙපාර්තම්න්තුව වසර ගණනාවක සිට විෂය ධාරා හතරක් යටතේ වෙනම පාසැලක් ලෙස වර්ධනය වීමේ වැඩි ඉඩකඩක් පැවැතුණි.  සමාජ විද්‍යාව, මානව විද්‍යාව, සමාජ වැඩ හා සමාජ ප්‍රතිපත්ති යනුවෙන් දෙපාර්තම්න්තු 04 කට වෙන් වීම පිළිබඳව එම දෙපාර්තම්න්තුව දිගු කලක සිට සැලසුම් කළ ද අවසානයේ මානව සම්පත් රැක ගැනීමේ අරමුණ මත පීඨයෙන් වෙන් වීමේ තීරණය දැනට අත් හැර දමා ඇත. 

      මේ අනුව සමාජ විද්‍යා පාසල, ජාත්‍යන්තර සබඳතා පාසල යනුවෙන් නොයෙකුත් පාසල් ආරම්භ කළ හැකිය.  එසේ නැතහොත් සමාජයීය විද්‍යා පාසල හෝ භාෂා පාසල හෝ මානව ශාස්ත්‍ර පාසල යනුවෙන් පාසැල් ආරම්භ කළ හැකිය.  වර්තමාණයේ පවත්නා මූල්‍යමය හා පරිපාලනමය රෙගුලාසි වලින් විනිර්මුක්තව එවන් පාසල් විධායක බලය සහිත අධ්‍යක්ෂවරුන් පත් කරමින් ස්වාධීන ආයතන බවට පත්විය හැකි වුවත් අවසාන වශයෙන් එය පීඨයට, විශ්වවිද්‍යාලයට හෝ අනාගත පරම්පරාව වෙත ලබා දෙන අධ්‍යාපනය වෙත ඇති කරන බලපෑම කුමක් ද? 

      විවිධ පාසල්වලට වෙන් වීම ශාස්ත්‍ර පීඨයේ ඒකාබද්ධ භාවයට හානි නොකරතැයි මතයක් වෙයි.  නමුත් එවැනි තත්ත්වයක් උදාවීම ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ විශ්වවිද්‍යාල ආරම්භ වූ දා පටන් උසස් අධ්‍යාපනයේ ශක්තිමත්ම ‍ක්ෂේත්‍රයන් ව පැවති මානව ශාස්ත්‍ර හා ලිබරල් කලා අධ්‍යාපනය අවසන් වීමේ ආරම්භය වනු ඇත.